Picking up the morning paper, Mr.
Woo Joon Park, an ordinary Korean businessman in his late thirties, scowls.
Out of the first page, Republic of Korea's new president, candidate Geunhye Park, is beaming out to him.
"I never liked her," he says, flipping rapidly to another page on the newspaper.
"I don't like her party, I don't like her.
I doubt she can do anything right in the five years to come.
" His mother, however, disagrees vehemently.
In her sixties, she has been a stout advocate of Ms.
Park ever since she appeared in politics.
"She is his daughter," the old lady says with a determined sparkle in her eyes.
"I believe she will do well.
" It is not only Mr.
Park who disagrees with his parents when it comes to candidate Park.
Political preferences in the 2012 election have been so dependent on age that jokes addressing this uncanny phenomenon spread online: those in their thirties and forties should send one's parents on a brief trip abroad on the day of the election to prevent them from voting for Ms Park.
Well, seems like the elders did vote despite such conspiracies.
On December 20th, Ms.
Park appeared on the TV screen in front of thousands of either jubilant or disgruntled citizens to thank her election, the winning vote 51.
6% to 48.
0%.
Korea was now to have the first female president.
Two weeks after the election, however, people are worried if the candidate Park is capable of dealing with the predicaments Korea is placed in today.
Her nickname during the presidential election this year was the "notepad princess", a term that mocked how she was always peering into the notes written for her whenever she appeared at a public event.
Even in the presidential debates, she was accused of smuggling in her iPad disguised as her suitcase.
Unlike candidate Moon, a former lawyer who came up with smooth, logical phrases with great confidence, Park often stuttered often and made no noticeable speeches.
She once even committed the gauche of answering a politically sensitive question with a frustrated "that's why I am here to become the next president," leaving many shocked at her impropriety.
After election, she continues to be assailed by many.
Governmental budget that was approved on the 1st of January, 2013, showed that a great deal of money had been invested in projects lobbied to members by enterprises: in fact, over 4,500 "notes" had been passed.
She is also criticized for her lack of celerity in selecting her transition committee.
Preoccupied with eradicating every morsel of prejudice in selecting the prestigious positions, she chose to delay making her choice until she was "done with the necessary procedures of selecting those worthy of the position".
Such inabilities are met with resigned nods of "I-knew-this-would-happen".
Strictly speaking, candidate Park's forte was not in her own capacities but in that she could be the symbol of many characteristics; femininity as an individual, conservative as a party member, and most crucially yet unwillingly, former president Park as his only daughter.
One could easily say that she was elected for what she represents, not who she is herself.
Despite renouncement that she is not actually a "woman" but a "biological female" due to her lack of knowledge or experience in child rearing and domesticity, 17.
5% of her constituents answered a survey question asking the reason for their advocacy that "it is time for a woman to become president.
" Her membership in Saenuri party earned her the votes of staunch conservatives - mostly who were infuriated by the party's tendency to maintain a friendly attitude for the North despite the attack in 2010 or simply those who do not wish the society to jolt once more.
Then, last but absolutely not the least, is her father.
Those who remember the 1970's cannot forget the dashing picture of Mr.
Park, wielding his power despite opposition - the "strongman".
Although he was and still is denounced as a brutal dictator, most of the middle-aged and elderly view him as a stern but loving father, cherishing his memory as that of an ideal, charismatic president.
Before him, they say, Korea was a plight: children begged on the streets, mothers cut their locks to make wigs, and fathers sold their labor for a day's food.
Yet former president Park, with his charisma and intuition, saved Korea from economic peril: he built the necessary infrastructures, secured funds for renovations, and eventually he modernized Korea.
For Ms.
Park was his first lady ever since her mother died when she was still in her teens, many anticipate that she would have learnt the mettle of her father.
She has been advocated for or opposed against not only because of the person she is or even her party, but for her father.
Korean loyalty, some say derisively: the former king's bloodline must be revered no matter what.
It is perhaps such prejudice that prevents her from taking actions.
She remains neutral, almost noncommittal, in most cases.
Planning the new year's budget in parliament, she chose infant care support and half-price tuition for universities - comparatively danger-free stance - as the main card to push in parliament.
But it is now time that she must appear strong in the eyes of the public.
Let go of the looming shadow of her father and pick up her own stances.
Korea is suffering from various predicaments both domestically and internationally: low employment, dramatic increase of suicide, rising conflicts with China and Japan, impending economic crisis contingent with the USA fiscal fall, and North Korea launching nuclear missiles to make matters even worse.
The nation can afford an irresolute candidate, but it cannot afford an irresolute president.